美国《新闻周刊》杂志3月6日文章，在利比亚人起义之前，卡扎菲使用金钱和正合时宜的外交手腕寄生在西方世界之中。那么，布什、布莱尔和贝卢斯科尼是如何掩饰这个专制的独裁者呢？
舒适的皮革座椅
这些故事是肮脏的，但是让我们从相对愉快的环境开始；那是在伦敦Travellers俱乐部的皮革座椅。自19世纪以来，这里的房间便已成为国际阴谋诞生的有名集会地；同样是在这里，2003年9月，利比亚的间谍头目穆萨-库萨(Musa Kusa)会见了英国和美国情报机构的代表，他们的目的在于敲定一笔交易——将卡扎菲从“寒冷”中解救出来。
现任利比亚外交部长的库萨在1970年获得密西根大学硕士学位，他的孩子也出生在美国，并成为美国公民。1990年美国情报官员在与库萨交易时说：“你应该了解我们的方式”。库萨确实是这么做的，也恰恰是他对西方人行事方式的掌握，使其有效的成为了卡扎菲政权的推动者，帮组并煽动这个领导者做出的行为。库萨通过捏造借口、避开后果、采取妥协的方式使其家族维持着权力，不管卡扎菲对利比亚人民和世界犯下了多大的罪行。但是，真正令人不安的是被库萨纳入卡扎菲政权推动者名单的世界领导人们，其中包括：布莱尔(Tony Blair)、萨科奇(Nicolas Sarkozy)、贝卢斯科尼( Silvio Berlusconi)、戈登-布朗(Gordon Brown)、 甚至乔治-布什( George W. Bush。)。
这些人是如何成为卡扎菲的伙伴呢？西方与卡扎菲的“和谐”甚至使前美国中央情报局局长乔治-特内特(George Tenet)感到不安。特内特在自传《风暴中心》称，与库萨的谈判是“对我们必须操控的超现实世界的例证”。根据特内特的回忆，事实上，中情局中许多人都怀疑，库萨是1988年泛美航空103号航班坠毁的幕后操纵者。那次事件中，客机在苏格兰的洛克比上空解体爆炸，最终导致270人死亡。但在2003年，西方情报服务机构却对库萨的提议感到如此舒适，以至于像坐在Travellers俱乐部中的皮革座椅上一样；而卡扎菲政府也给了西方领导者同样的优遇。
无法拒绝的交易
这是一个他们谁都不会拒绝的交易。利比亚的油田可以对西方完全开放，而美国、欧洲的银行和企业可以继续掌控利比亚的财政收入。由此，卡扎菲得以公开宣布他的核发展项目。布什政府以寻找大规模杀伤性武器为由入侵了伊拉克，结果连这些武器的影子都没找到。但是在利比亚，布什政府的努力至少是有成效的。这笔交易似乎能使每个人获益；但事实最终表明，受益者并不包括利比亚人民。
库萨的复兴行动严重依赖于西方对利比亚油田和金钱的渴求，但是他也使用了其它手段。一方面，西方的民主领导者在对付对自己有用的专制者时往往会有软弱的一面；因为这些专制者可以收集到关于“基地”组织的情报，卡扎菲对布什正是这么做的。而对于贝卢斯科尼，卡扎菲则以暴力手段阻止经由地中海进入意大利的非法移民大潮。此外，卡扎菲还玩了一些大手笔，包括对洛克比空难者家属和荷兰受审的轰炸机飞行员予以1000万美元的补偿。当这些不足以赢得华盛顿的完全接受时，卡扎菲便玩起众论纷纷的核交易。
卡扎菲还将他受过英国教育的儿子作为非官方发言人。这样的策略对所有参与者来说都非常好，并且似乎没有伤及到谈判者。以英国外交情报局军情6处(MI6)的马克-艾伦(Mark Allen)为例，在离开政府之前，他与库萨保持着非常紧密的工作关系；如今他是英国石油公司的高薪顾问。还有史蒂芬-卡佩斯(Stephen Kappes)，据称曾经是库萨在中情局中的关键联络人，后来升为中情局的副局长，去年突然退休。
石油带来繁荣，美国的西方石油公司拥有的油田面积比在利比亚的任何公司都大，但最大的赢家却是英国石油公司和意大利国有石油公司——埃尼集团。意大利购买了利比亚80%的石油，贝卢斯科尼热情的欢迎卡扎菲对意大利的访问。随着石油价格飙升，卡扎菲及其家族突然间拥有了太多的金钱，多的连他们自己都不知道可以用来做些什么。在2006年，卡扎菲创建了一个主权财富基金——利比亚投资局，并开始购买皮尔森公司(拥有《财政时报》和《经济学家》)和一些主要银行，甚至包括意大利的尤文图斯足球队。
开始散架的房屋
但是在这10年的最后，库萨精心建造的卡片房开始散架了。卡扎菲和他的儿子们在逐渐失去控制权。事实上，在2007年便有了这样的信号；那年，卡扎菲的儿子赛义夫-伊斯兰(Saif al-Islam)公开对《新闻周刊》谈及父亲对新当选的法国总统萨科奇使用“敲诈”手段的事情。当时，有5名保加利亚护士和一名巴勒斯坦医生被指控让400名利比亚人感染艾滋病，他们即将被处以死刑。而同时，萨科奇呼吁其他欧洲人要赢得医务人员的自由。赛义夫称，现金支付、医学设施、核反应堆、铀矿和军事装备都包括在了西方提供给卡扎菲的“敲诈”包裹当中。
但是，真正危机的时刻是在2009年。利比亚情报官员迈格拉希(Abdelbaset al-Megrahi)因洛克比空难被判终身监禁；而此人患有前列腺癌，只剩下3个月生存时间。由于利比亚与英国石油公司有大笔石油交易，而时任英国外交部长的布朗也意识到利比亚人坚决要求迈格拉希遣返回国。当迈格拉希被送回黎波里时，他被当成一个英雄般对待。英国石油公司的9亿美元订单也安全落地。赛义夫并未烦心去掩饰赎金交易，他表示，释放迈格拉希的事一直都在谈判。库萨在此次释放行动中的角色并不清楚。毕竟，当库萨在1988年成为利比亚情报局副局长之后，迈格拉希一直是他的手下。
不管库萨在迈格拉希事件上是反对还是赞同，他还是在2009年被晋升为外交部长。如今，他小心翼翼营造起来的推动者网络正在解散。在利比亚起义的第一周，库萨还收到英国外交部长威廉-黑格(William Hague)的电话，但他却没有接听。他是放弃了吗？还是又一次步入了阴影？美国人和欧洲人还想与他展开对话吗？有一个线索：卡扎菲的若干亲信和同僚均在美国财政部冻结了自己的财产，但库萨却没有。库萨使卡扎菲生存了如此长的时间，至少也为自己拿下了一笔交易。
Can Buy Me Love
Before Libyans rose up against him, Muammar Gaddafi used money, and well-timed diplomatic overtures, to worm his way into the West’s good graces. How Bush, Blair, and Berlusconi gave the brutal dictator a makeover。
The tale is a sordid one, but let’s at least begin in relatively pleasant surroundings, among the leather armchairs of the Travellers Club in London. Its rooms have been a favorite rendezvous since the 19th century for gentlemen of international intrigue—and it’s where Libya’s urbane, white-haired spymaster, Musa Kusa, met with representatives of the British and American intelligence services in December 2003. Their purpose was to hammer out a deal to bring Kusa’s boss, Muammar Gaddafi, in from the cold。
Kusa, now Libya’s foreign minister, affects none of the silly props and pretenses—the tents and turbans and meandering rants—that have become Gaddafi’s trademarks. He got his master’s degree at Michigan State University in the 1970s, and both his children, born in the United States, are American citizens. “He ought to understand our ways,” says an American intelligence officer who dealt with him in the 1990s. And he does. It’s Kusa’s grasp of Western ways that has made him so effective in his primary role as Gaddafi’s enabler, aiding and abetting the Libyan leader’s pathological behavior. Kusa concocts excuses, fends off consequences, comes up with compromises, and thus far has managed to keep his kinsman in power no matter what crimes the Libyan leader has committed against his own people or against the world. But what’s really disturbing is the roster of world leaders he helped to enlist as his fellow enablers: men like Tony Blair, Nicolas Sarkozy, Silvio Berlusconi, Gordon Brown, and even George W. Bush。
How did they end up collaborating with the once and future international pariah? The West’s reconciliation with Gaddafi disconcerted even the likes of former CIA director George Tenet, whose memoir, At the Center of the Storm, called the negotiations with Kusa “illustrative of the surreal world in which we had to operate。” According to Tenet, many in the agency actually suspected Kusa of masterminding the 1988 bombing that blew Pan Am Flight 103 out of the sky over Lockerbie, Scotland, killing 270 people. But by 2003, Western intelligence services had grown as comfortable with Kusa’s proposals as they were in the leather armchairs of the Travellers—and they helped Western leaders feel that way, too。
It was a deal none of them could resist. Libya’s oilfields would be fully opened up to the West, and U.S. and European banks and corporations could resume tapping the country’s revenue stream. And Gaddafi would publicly renounce his putative nuclear-development program (much of which had never even been uncrated). Having invaded Iraq in search of nonexistent weapons of mass destruction, the Bush administration could claim that in Libya, at least, its efforts were bearing fruit. The plan seemed to have something for everyone—everyone, it eventually turned out, except the Libyan people。
Kusa’s rehab campaign relied heavily on the West’s craving for Libya’s oil and cash, but he used other levers as well. For one thing, there was the weakness of some democratic leaders for useful tyrants—the kind who could gather intelligence on Al Qaeda in ways that might make many Americans squeamish, as Gaddafi did for Bush, and who could forcibly stem the flood of illegal immigrants across the Mediterranean to Italy, as Gaddafi did for Berlusconi. The regime offered some grand gestures, in addition: $10 million for each of the families that lost someone at Lockerbie; the surrender of the accused bombers to face trial in the Netherlands; and when that wasn’t enough to win full acceptance by Washington, the much-touted nuclear deal. And the regime trotted out one of Gaddafi’s sons as its unofficial spokesman—the British-educated Saif al-Islam, a relatively charming fellow by comparison with the old man。
The strategy worked brilliantly for all participants—until recently, anyway. The deal doesn’t seem to have hurt the negotiators, either. Take Mark Allen of Britain’s foreign intelligence agency MI6; he worked closely with Kusa before leaving government service a few months after the Travellers meeting. He’s now Sir Mark Allen, a highly paid adviser to BP. (Allen’s office declined to make any comment on his role。) Or Stephen Kappes, one of Kusa’s key contacts at the CIA, according to Tenet and other agency officers. He rose to become the agency’s deputy director before his sudden retirement last year。
Big oil prospered. The American firm Occidental wound up with more acreage than any other corporation in Libya, but the big winners were BP and the Italian national oil company ENI. Italy buys some 80 percent of Libya’s petroleum, and Berlusconi warmly welcomed Gaddafi on 11 state visits to Rome, each more bizarre than the last. Of particular note were the lectures on Islam the Libyan leader delivered to audiences of hundreds of young women who were hired by a modeling agency for the purpose. As oil prices skyrocketed, Gaddafi and his family suddenly had more money than they knew what to do with. In 2006, belatedly emulating other big oil producers, they created a sovereign wealth fund, the Libyan Investment Authority, and started buying interests in everything from Pearson, which owns the Financial Times and The Economist, to major banks and even the Juventus football team in Italy。
But by the end of the decade, Kusa’s carefully constructed house of cards had started to fall apart. The old man and the sons were increasingly out of control. One early indication came in 2007, when Saif al-Islam talked openly to NEWSWEEK about the way his father’s regime had used “blackmail” to get what it wanted from the newly elected French government of President Nicolas Sarkozy. At stake were the lives of five Bulgarian nurses and a Palestinian doctor who had been imprisoned for eight years, at that point, and sentenced to death on the trumped-up charge that they had intentionally infected more than 400 Libyans with AIDS. Sarkozy outbid other Europeans to win the medics’ freedom, Saif explained. Cash payments, vast medical facilities, a nuclear reactor, uranium mining, and military equipment were part of the package, said Saif。
But the really critical moment of excess came in 2009. Abdelbaset al-Megrahi, the sole Libyan intelligence officer convicted for the Lockerbie bombing, was serving a life sentence in Scotland, but had been diagnosed with terminal prostate cancer, supposedly with three months to live. The Libyans, who had stalled a vast oil deal with BP (where Sir Mark Allen worked) let the government of then-prime minister Brown know in no uncertain terms that they wanted to be able to be repatriate prisoners—they didn’t have to be specific about which ones—held in British jails. When Megrahi was sent back to Tripoli, he was greeted as a hero. And BP’s $900 million deal was safe. Saif didn’t bother to disguise the ransom deal. Megrahi’s release was always on the table, he said. Kusa’s role in the release is unclear. After all, when Kusa was deputy director of the Libyan intelligence service in 1988, Megrahi had been one of his men。
Whether he objected to the Megrahi gambit or promoted it, Kusa was kicked upstairs in 2009 to become foreign minister, where his diplomacy, conducted in public, would be more pro forma than proactive. Now his carefully constructed web of enablers is unraveling by the hour. In the first weeks of the Libyan uprising, Kusa still took calls from British Foreign Minister William Hague, among others. But Kusa has stopped answering the phone, according to the U.S. State Department. Has he given up, or gone back into the shadows where he was always most effective? Do the Americans and Europeans still want to talk to him? One clue: dozens of Gaddafi kin and colleagues have had their assets frozen by the U.S. Treasury Department—but not Kusa. Having enabled Gaddafi’s survival for so long, Kusa may have cut a deal, at last, for his own。
(新闻周刊)
(斯年)
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评论：难怪有人说越战美国人是被自己的媒体打败的。美帝国主义太腐朽太落后了，一点都没有领悟和谐社会的真谛，这种文章怎么能发出来还广为流传呢？too simple！
言归正传。我们假定本文所谓黑幕一切属实，那只能说，卡扎菲越界了。屠杀平民的行为无论如何也没有哪个国家敢庇护他了。
最后引用一个段子把：基地组织发表声明，反对卡扎菲用非洲雇佣军镇压、向示威者开枪、并号召穆斯林学者、记者、思想者支持利比亚示威者。——一个人，到底要衰到神马程度，搞到被基地组织谴责……
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